THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SALAMINIUS HERMIAS SOZOMENUS, BOOK III
BOOK III.
CHAP. I. -- AFTER THE DEATH OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT, THE ADHERENTS OF
EUSEBIUS AND THEOGNIS ATTACK THE NICENE FAITH.
WE have now seen what events transpired in the churches during the reign
of Constantine- (1) On his death the doctrine which had been set forth at
Nicaea, was subjected to renewed examination. Although this doctrine was not
universally approved, no one, during the life of Constantine, had dared to reject it
openly. At his death, however, many renounced this opinion, especially those who
had previously been suspected of treachery. Of all these Eusebius and Theognis,
bishops of the province of Bithynia, did everything in their power to give
predominance to the tenets of Arius. They believed that this object would be
easily accomplished, if the return of Athanasius from exile could be prevented, and
by giving the government of the Egyptian churches to a bishop of like opinion
with them. They found an efficient coadjutor in the presbyter who had obtained
from Constantine the recall of Arius. He was held in high esteem by the emperor
Constantius, on account of the service he had rendered in delivering to him the
testament of his father; since he was trusted, he boldly seized the
opportunities, until he became an intimate of the emperor's wife, and of the powerful
eunuchs of the women's sleeping apartments. At this period Eusebius (2) was
appointed to superintend the concerns of the royal household, and being zealously
attached to Arianism, he induced the empress and many of the persons belonging to
the court to adopt the same sentiments. Hence disputations concerning doctrines
again became prevalent, both in private and in public, and revilings and
animosities were renewed. This state of things was in accordance with the views of
Theognis and his partisans.
CHAP. II,--RETURN OF ATHANASIUS THE GREAT FROM ROME; LETTER OF CONSTANTINE
CAESAR, SON OF CONSTANTINE THE GREAT; RENEWED MACHINATIONS OF THE ARIANS AGAINST
ATHANASIUS; ACACIUS OF BERROEA; WAR BETWEEN CONSTANS AND CONSTANTINE.
AT this period Athanasius returned from Gaul to Alexandria. (3) It is said
that Constantine intended to have recalled him, and that in his testament he
even gave orders to that effect. But as he was prevented by death from
performing his intention, his son who bore his name, and who was then commanding in
Western Gaul, recalled Athanasius, and wrote a letter on the subject to the people
of Alexandria. Having met with a copy of this letter translated from the Latin
into Greek, I shall insert it precisely as I found it. It is as follows :--
"Constantine Caesar, to the people of the Catholic Church in the city of
Alexandria. (4)
"You cannot, I believe, be unacquainted with the fact that Athanasius, the
interpreter of the venerated law, since the cruelty of his bloodthirsty and
hostile enemies continued, to the danger of his sacred person, was sent for a
time into Gaul in order that he might not incur irretrievable extremities through
the perversity of these worthless opponents; in order then to make this danger
futile, he was taken out of the jaws of the men, who pressed upon him, and was
commanded to live near me, so that in the city where he dwelt, he might be
amply furnished with all necessaries; but his virtue is so famous and
extraordinary, because he is confident of Divine aid, that he sets at naught all the rougher
burdens of fortune. Our lord and my father, Constantine Augustus, of blessed
memory, intended to have reinstated this bishop in his own place, and thus
especially to have restored him to your much beloved piety; but, since he was
anticipated by the human lot, and died before fulfilling his intention, I, as his
successor, purpose to carry into execution the design of the emperor of Divine
memory. Athanasius will inform you, when he shall see your face, in how great
reverence he was held by me. Nor is it surprising that I should have acted as I
have done towards him, for the image of your own desire and the appearance of so
noble a man, moved and impelled me to this step. May Divine Providence watch
over you, my beloved brethren."
In consequence of this letter from the emperor Athanasius went home, and
resumed the government of the Egyptian churches. Those who were attached to the
Arian doctrines were thrown into consternation and could not keep the peace ;
they excited continuous seditions, and had recourse to other machinations
against him. The partisans of Eusebius accused him before the emperor of being a
seditious person, and of having reversed the decree of exile, contrary to the laws
of the church, and without the consent of the bishops. I shall presently relate
in the proper place, how, by their intrigues, Athanasius was again expelled
from Alexandria.
Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus, died (1) about this period, and Acacius
succeeded to the bishopric of Caesarea in Palestine. He was a zealous imitator of
Eusebius because he had been instructed by him in the Sacred Word; he possessed
a capable mind and was polished in expression, so that he left many writings
worthy of commendation. Not long after, (2) the emperor Constantine declared war
against his brother Constans at Aquileia, (3) and was slain by his own
generals. The Roman Empire was divided between the surviving brothers; the West fell to
the lot of Constans and the East to Constantius.
CHAP.III. -- PAUL, BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE, AND MACEDONIUS, THE
PNEUMATOMACHIAN.
ALEXANDER died (4) about this time, and Paul succeeded to the high
priesthood of Constantinople. The followers of Arius and Macedonius assert that he
took possession at his own motion, and against the advice of Eusebius, bishop of
Nicomedia, or of Theodore, bishop of Heraclea, in Thrace; upon whom, as being
the nearest bishops, the right of conferring ordination devolved. Many, however,
maintain, on the testimony of Alexander, whom he succeeded, that he was
ordained by the bishops who were then assembled at Constantinople. (5) For when
Alexander, who was ninety-eight years of age, and who-had conducted the episcopal
office vigorously for twenty-three years, was at the point of death, his clergy,
asked him to whom he wished to turn over his church. "If," replied he, "you seek
a man good in Divine matters and one who is apt to teach you, have Paul. But
if you desire one who is conversant with public affairs, and with the councils
of rulers, Macedonius is better." The Macedonians themselves admit that this
testimony was given by Alexander; but they say that Paul was more skilled in the
transaction of business and the art of eloquence; but they put emphasis for
Macedonius, on the testimony of his life; and they accuse Paul of having been
addicted to effeminacy and an indifferent conduct. (6) It appears, however, from
their own acknowledgment, that Paul was a man of eloquence, and brilliant in
teaching the Church. Events proved that he was not competent to combat the
casualties of life, or to hold intercourse with those in power; for he was never
successful in subverting the machinations of his enemies, (7) like those who are
adroit in the management of affairs. Although he was greatly beloved by the people,
he suffered severely from the treachery of those who then rejected the doctrine
which prevailed at Nicaea. In the first place, he was expelled from the church
of Constantinople, as if some accusation of misconduct had been established
against him. (7) He was then condemned to banishment, and finally, it is said,
fell a victim to the devices of his enemies, and was strangled. But these latter
events took place at a subsequent period.
CHAP. IV. -- A SEDITION WAS EXCITED ON THE ORDINATION OF PAUL.
THE ordination of Paul occasioned a great commotion in the Church of
Constantinople. (8) During the life of Alexander, the Arians did not act very
openly; for the people by being attentive to him were well governed and honored
Divine things, and especially believed that the unexpected occurrence which befell
Arius, whom they believed met such a death, was the Divine wrath, drawn down by
the imprecations of Alexander. After the death of this bishop, however, the
people became divided into two parties, and disputes and contests concerning
doctrines were openly carried on. The adherents of Arius desired the ordination of
Macedonius, while those who maintained that the Son is consubstantial with the
Farther wished to have Paul as their bishop; and this latter party prevailed.
After the ordination of Paul, the emperor, who chanced to be away from home,
returned to Constantinople, and manifested as much displeasure at what had taken
place as though the bishopric had been conferred upon an unworthy man. Through
the machinations of the enemies of Paul a Synod was convened, and he was expelled
from the Church. It handed over the Church of Constantinople to Eusebius,
bishop of Nicomedia.
CHAP. V. --THE PARTIAL COUNCIL OF ANTIOCH; IT DEPOSED ATHANASIUS; IT
SUBSTITUTED GREGORY; ITS TWO STATEMENTS OF THE FAITH; THOSE WHO AGREED WITH THEM.
SOON after these occurrences, the emperor went to Antioch, a city of
Syria. (1) Here a church had already been completed, which excelled in size and
beauty. Constantine began to build it during his lifetime, and as the structure had
been just finished by his son Constantius, it was deemed a favorable
opportunity by the partisans of Eusebius, who of old were zealous for it, to convene a
council. They, therefore, with those from various regions who held their
sentiments, met together in Antioch; (2) their bishops were about ninety-seven in
number. Their professed object was the consecration of the newly finished church;
but they intended nothing else than the abolition of the decrees of the Nicaean
Council, and this was fully proved by the sequel. The Church of Antioch was
then governed by Placetus, (3) who had succeeded Euphronius. The death of
Constantine the Great had taken place about five years prior to this period. When all
the bishops had assembled in the presence of the emperor Constantius, the
majority expressed great indignation, and vigorously accused Athanasius of having
contemned the sacerdotal regulation which they had enacted, (4) and taken
possession of the bishopric of Alexandria without first obtaining the sanction of a
council. They also deposed that he was the cause of the death of several persons,
who fell in a sedition excited by his return; and that many others had on the
same occasion been arrested and delivered up to the judicial tribunals. By these
accusations they contrived to cast odium on Athanasius, and it was decreed
that Gregory should be invested with the government of the Church of Alexandria.
They then turned to the discussion of doctrinal questions, and found no fault
with the decrees of the council of Nice. They dispatched letters to the bishops
of every city, in which they declared that, as they were bishops themselves,
they had not followed Arius. "For how," said they, "could we have been followers
of him, when he was but a presbyter, (5) and we were placed above him?" Since
they were the testers of his faith, they had readily received him; and they
believed in the faith which had from the beginning been handed down by tradition.
This they further explained at the bottom of their letter, but without mentioning
the substance of the Father or the Son, or the term consubstantial. They
resorted, in fact, to such ambiguity of expression, that neither the Arians nor
the followers of the decrees of the Nicaean Council could call the arrangement of
their words into question, as though they were ignorant of the holy
Scriptures. They purposely avoided all forms of expression which were rejected by either
party, and only made use of those which were universally admitted. They
confessed (6) that the Son is with the Father, that He is the only begotten One, and
that He is God, and existed before all things; and that He took flesh upon Him,
and fulfilled the will of His Father. They confessed these and similar truths,
but they did not describe the doctrine of the Son being co-eternal or
consubstantial with the Father, or the opposite. They subsequently changed their minds,
it appears, about this formulary, and issued another, (7) which, I think, very
nearly resembled that of the council of Nice, unless, indeed, some secret
meaning be attached to the words which is not apparent to me. Although they
refrained -- I know not from what motive -- from saying that the Son is consubstantial,
they confessed that He is immutable, that His Divinity is not susceptible of
change, that He is the perfect image of the substance, and counsel, and power,
and glory of the Father, and that He is the first-born of every creature. They
stated that they had found this formulary of faith, and that it was entirely
written by Lucianus, (8) who was martyred in Nicomedia, and who was a man highly
approved and exceedingly accurate in the sacred Scriptures. I know not whether
this statement was really true, or whether they merely advanced it in order to
give weight to their own document, by connecting with it the dignity of a
martyr. Not only did Eusebius (who, on the expulsion of Paul, had been transferred
from Nicomedia to the throne of Constantinople) participate in this council, but
likewise Acacius, the successor of Eusebius Pamphilus, Patrophilus, bishop of
Scythopolis, Theodore, bishop of Heraclea, formerly called Perinthus, Eudoxius,
bishop of Germanicia, who subsequently directed the Church of Constantinople
after Macedonius, and Gregory, who had been chosen to preside over the Church of
Alexandria. It was universally acknowledged that all these bishops held the
same sentiments, such as Dianius, (9) bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, George,
bishop of Laodicea in Syria, and many others who acted as bishops over
metropolitan and other distinguished churches.
CHAP. VI. -- EUSEBIUS SURNAMED EMESENUS; GREGORY ACCEPTED ALEXANDRIA;
ATHANASIUS SEEKS REFUGE IN ROME.
EUSEBIUS, surnamed Emesenus, likewise at-tended the council. (1) He sprang
from a noble family of Edessa, a city of Osroenae. According to the custom of
his country, he had from his youth upwards, learned the Holy Word, and was
afterwards made acquainted with the learning of the Greeks, by the teachers who
then frequented his native city. He subsequently acquired a more intimate
knowledge of sacred literature under the guidance of Eusebius Pamphilus and
Patrophilus, the president of Scythopolis. He went to Antioch at the time that Eustathius
was deposed on the accusation of Cyrus, and lived with Euphronius, his
successor, on terms of intimacy. He fled to escape being invested with the priestly
dignity, went to Alexandria and frequented the schools of the philosophers. After
acquainting himself with their mode of discipline, he returned to Antioch and
dwelt with Placetus, the successor of Euphronius. During the time that the
council was held in that city, Eusebius, bishop of Constantinople, entreated him to
accept the see of Alexandria for it was thought that, by his great reputation
for sanctity and consummate eloquence, he would easily supplant Athanasius in
the esteem of the Egyptians. He, however, refused the ordination, on the plea
that he could otherwise only incur the ready hatred of the Alexandrians, who would
have no other bishop but Athanasius. Gregory was, therefore, appointed to the
church of Alexandria, and Eusebius to that of Emesa.
There he suffered from a sedition; for the people accused him of
practicing that variety of astronomy which is called astrological, and being obliged to
seek safety by flight, he repaired to Laodicea, and dwelt with George, bishop
of that city, who was his particular friend. He afterwards accompanied this
bishop to Antioch, and obtained permission from the bishops Placetus and Narcissus
to return to Emesa. He was much esteemed by the emperor Constantius, and
attended him in his military expedition against the Persians. It is said that God
wrought miracles through his instrumentality, as is testified by George of
Laodicea, (2) who has related these and other incidents about him.
But although he was endowed with so many exalted qualities, he could not
escape the jealousy of those who are irritated by witnessing the virtues of
others. He endured the censure of having embraced the doctrines of Sabellius. At
the present time, however, he voted with the bishops who had been convened at
Antioch. It is said that Maximus, bishop of Jerusalem, purposely, kept aloof from
this council, because he repented having unawares consented to the deposition
of Athanasius. (3) The manager of the Roman see, nor any representative from
the east of Italy, nor from the parts beyond Rome were present at Antioch. (4)
At the same period of time, the Franks devastated Western Gaul; and the
provinces of the East, and more particularly Antioch after the Synod, were visited by
tremendous earthquakes. (5) After the Synod, Gregory repaired to Alexandria with
a large body of soldiers, who were enjoined to provide an undisturbed and safe
entrance into the city; the Arians also, who were anxious for the expulsion of
Athanasius, sided with him. Athanasius, fearful lest the people should be
exposed to sufferings on his account, (6) assembled them by night in the church,
and when the soldiers came to take possession of the church, prayers having been
concluded, he first ordered a psalm to be sung. During the chanting of this
psalm the soldiers remained without and quietly awaited its conclusion, and in
the meantime Athanasius passed under the singers and secretly made his escape,
and fled to Rome. In this manner Gregory possessed himself of the see of
Alexandria. The indignation of the people was aroused, and they burnt the church which
bore the name of Dionysius, one of their former bishops.
CHAP. VII. -- HIGH PRIESTS OF ROME AND OF CONSTANTINOPLE; RESTORATION OF PAUL
AFTER EUSEBIUS; THE SLAUGHTER OF HERMOGENES, A GENERAL OF THE ARMY; CONSTANTIUS
CAME FROM ANTIOCH AND REMOVED PAUL, AND WAS WRATHFULLY DISPOSED TOWARD THE
CITY; HE ALLOWED MACEDONIUS TO BE IN DOUBT, AND RETURNED TO ANTIOCH.
THUS were the schemes of those who upheld various heresies in opposition
to truth successfully carried into execution; and thus did they depose those
bishops who strenuously maintained throughout the East the supremacy of the
doctrines of the Nicaean Council. These heretics had taken possession of the most
important sees, such as Alexandria in Egypt, Antioch in Syria, and the imperial
city of the Hellespont, and they held all the persuaded bishops in subjection.
The ruler of the Church at Rome and all the priests of the West regarded these
deeds as a personal insult; for they had accorded from the beginning with all the
decisions in the vote made by those convened at Nice, nor did they now cease
from that way of thinking. On the arrival of Athanasius, they received him
kindly, and espoused his cause among themselves. Irritated at this interference,
Eusebius wrote to Julius, exhorting him to constitute himself a judge of the
decrees that had been enacted against Athanasius by the council of Tyre. (1) But
before he had been able to ascertain the sentiments of Julius, and, indeed, not
long after the council of Antioch, Eusebius died. Immediately upon this event,
those citizens of Constantinople who maintained the doctrines of the Nicaean
Council, conducted Paul to the church. At the same time those of the opposing
multitude seized this occasion and came together in another church, among whom were
the adherents of Theognis, bishop of Nicaea, of Theodore, bishop of Heraclea,
and others of the same party who chanced to be present, and they ordained
Macedonius bishop of Constantinople. This excited frequent seditions in the city
which assumed all the appearance of a war, for the people fell upon one another,
and many perished. The city was filled with tumult, so that the emperor, who was
then at Antioch, on hearing of what had occurred, was moved to wrath, and
issued a decree for the expulsion of Paul. Hermogenes, general of the cavalry,
endeavored to put this edict of the emperor's into execution; for having been sent
to Thrace, he had, on the journey, to pass by Constantinople, and he thought, by
means of his army, to eject Paul from the church by force. But the people,
instead of yielding, met him with open resistance, and while the soldiers, in
order to carry out the orders they had received, attempted still greater violence,
the insurgents entered the house of Hermogenes, set fire to it, killed him, and
attaching a cord to his body, dragged it through the city. (2) The emperor had
no sooner received this intelligence than he took horse for Constantinople, in
order to punish the people. But he spared them when he saw them coming to meet
him with tears and supplications. He deprived the city of about half of the
corn which his father, Constantine, had granted them annually out of the public
treasury from the tributes of Egypt, probably from the idea that luxury and
excess made the populace idle and disposed to sedition. He turned his anger against
Paul and commanded his expulsion from the city. He manifested great
displeasure against Macedonius also, because he was the occasion of the murder of the
general and of other individuals and also, because he had been ordained without
first obtaining his sanction. He, however, returned to Antioch, without having
either confirmed or dissolved his ordination. Meanwhile the zealots of the Arian
tenets deposed Gregory, because he was indifferent in the support of their
doctrines, and had moreover incurred the ill-will of the Alexandrians on account of
the calamities which had befallen the city at his entrance, especially the
conflagration of the church. They elected George, a native of Cappadocia, in his
stead; (3) this new bishop was admired on account of his activity and his zeal
in support of the Arian dogma.
CHAP. VIII. -- ARRIVAL OF THE EASTERN HIGH PRIESTS AT ROME; LETTER OF JULIUS,
BISHOP OF ROME, CONCERNING THEM; BY MEANS OF THE LETTERS OF JULIUS, PAUL AND
ATHANASIUS RECEIVE THEIR OWN SEES; CONTENTS OF THE LETTER FROM THE ARCHPRIESTS OF
THE EAST TO JULIUS.
ATHANASIUS, on leaving Alexandria, had fled to Rome. (4) Paul, bishop of
Constantinople, Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra, and Asclepas, bishop of Gaza,
repaired thither at the same time. Asclepas, who was opposed to the Arians and had
therefore been deposed, after having been accused by some of the heterodox of
having thrown down an altar; Quintianus had been appointed in his stead over the
Church of Gaza. Lucius also, bishop of Adrianople, who had been. deposed from
the church under his care on another charge, was dwelling at this period in
Rome. The Roman bishop, on learning the accusation against each individual, and on
finding that they held the same sentiments about the Nicaean dogmas, admitted
them to communion as of like orthodoxy; and as the care for all was fitting to
the dignity of his see, he restored them all to their own churches. He wrote to
the bishops of the East, and rebuked them for having judged these bishops
unjustly, and for harassing the Churches by abandoning the Nicaean doctrines. He
summoned a few among them to appear before him on an appointed day, in order to
account to him for the sentence they had passed, and threatened to bear with them
no longer, unless they would cease to make innovations. This was the tenor of
his letters. Athanasius and Paul were reinstated in their respective sees, and
forwarded the letter of Julius to the bishops of the East. The bishops could
scarcely brook such documents, and they assembled together at Antioch, (5) and
framed a reply to Julius, beautifully expressed and composed with great legal
skill, yet filled with considerable irony and indulging in the strongest threats.
They confessed in this epistle, that the Church of Rome was entitled to
universal honor, because it was the school of the apostles, and had become the
metropolis of piety from the outset, although the introducers of the doctrine had
settled there from the East. They added that the second place in point of honor
ought not to be assigned to them, because they did not have the advantage of size
or number in their churches; for they excelled the Romans in virtue and
determination. They called Julius to account for having admitted the followers of
Athanasius into communion, and expressed their indignation against him for having
insulted their Synod and abrogated their decrees, and they assailed his
transactions as unjust and discordant with ecclesiastical right. After these censures
and protestations against such grievances, they proceeded to state, that if
Julius would acknowledge the deposition of the bishops whom they had expelled, and
the substitution of those whom they had ordained in their stead, they would
promise peace and fellowship; but that, unless he would accede to these terms,
they would openly declare their opposition. They added that the priests who had
preceded them in the government of the Eastern churches had offered no opposition
to the deposition of Novatian, by the Church of Rome. They made no allusion in
their letter to any deviations they had manifested from the doctrines of the
council of Nice, but merely stated they had various reasons to allege in
justification of the course they had pursued, and that they considered it unnecessary
to enter at that time upon any defense of their conduct, as they were suspected
of having violated justice in every respect.
CHAP. IX.- EJECTION OF PAUL AND ATHANASIUS; MACEDONIUS IS INVESTED WITH THE
GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
AFTER having written in this strain to Julius, the bishops of the East
brought accusations against those whom they had deposed before the emperor
Constantius. (1) Accordingly, the emperor, who was then at Antioch, wrote to Philip,
the prefect of Constantinople, commanding him to surrender the Church to
Macedonius, and to expel Paul from the city. The prefect feared the commotion among
the people, and before the order of the emperor could be divulged, he repaired to
the public bath which is called Zeuxippus, a conspicuous and large structure,
and summoned Paul, as if he wished to converse with him on some affairs of
general interest; as soon as he had arrived, he showed him the edict of the
emperor. Paul was, according to orders, secretly conducted through the palace
contiguous to the bath, to the seaside, and placed on board a vessel and was sent to
Thessalonica, whence, it is said, his ancestors originally came. He was strictly
prohibited from approaching the Eastern regions, but was not forbidden to visit
Illyria and the remoter provinces.
On quitting the court room, Philip, accompanied by Macedonius, proceeded
to the church. The people, who had in the meantime been assembling together in
untold numbers, quickly filled the church, and the two parties into which they
were divided, namely, the supporters of the Arian heresy and the followers of
Paul respectively, strove to take possession of the building. When the prefect
and Macedonius arrived at the gates of the church, the soldiers endeavored to
force back the people, in order to make way for these dignitaries, but as they
were so crowded together, it was impossible for them to recede, since they were
closely packed to the farthest point, or to make way; the soldiers, under the
impression that the crowd was unwilling to retire, slew many with their swords,
and a great number were killed by being trampled upon. The edict of the emperor
was thus accomplished, and Macedonius received the Churches, while Paul was
unexpectedly ejected from the Church in Constantinople.
Athanasius in the meantime had fled, and concealed himself, fearing the
menace of the emperor Constantius, for he had threatened to punish him with
death; for the heterodox had made the emperor believe that he was a seditious
person, and that he had, on his return to the bishopric, occasioned the death of
several persons. But the anger of the emperor had been chiefly excited by the
representation that Athanasius had sold the provisions which the emperor Constantine
had bestowed on the poor of Alexandria, and had appropriated the price.
CHAP. X. -- THE BISHOP OF ROME WRITES TO THE BISHOPS OF THE EAST IN FAVOR OF
ATHANASIUS, AND THEY SEND AN EMBASSY TO ROME WHO, WITH THE BISHOP OF ROME, ARE
TO INVESTIGATE THE CHARGES AGAINST THE EASTERN BISHOPS; THIS DEPUTATION IS
DISMISSED BY CONSTANS, THE CAESAR.
THE bishops of Egypt, (2) having sent a declaration in writing that these
allegations were false, and Julius having been apprised that Athanasius was far
from being in safety in Egypt, sent for him to his own city. He replied at the
same time to the letter of the bishops who were convened at Antioch, for just
then he happened to have received their epistle, (3) and accused them of having
clandestinely introduced innovations contrary to the dogmas of the Nicene
council, and of having violated the laws of the Church, by neglecting to invite him
to join their Synod; for he alleged that there is a sacerdotal canon which
declares that whatever is enacted contrary to the judgment of the bishop of Rome
is null. He also reproached them for having deviated from justice in all their
proceedings against Athanasius, both at Tyre and Mareotis, and stated that the
decrees enacted at the former city had been annulled, on account of the calumny
concerning the hand of Arsenius, and at the latter city, on account of the
absence of Athanasius. Last of all he reprehended the arrogant style of their
epistle.
Julius was induced by all these reasons to undertake the defense of
Athanasius and of Paul the latter had arrived in Italy not long previously, and had
lamented bitterly these calamities. When Julius perceived that what he had
written to those who held the sacerdotal dignity in the East was of no avail, he
made the matter known to Constans the emperor. Accordingly, Constans wrote to his
brother Constantius, requesting him to send some of the bishops of the East,
that they might assign a reason for the edicts of deposition which they had
passed. Three bishops were selected for this purpose; namely, Narcissus, bishop of
Irenopolis, in Cilicia; Theodore, bishop of Heraclea, in Thrace; and Mark,
bishop of Arethusa, in Syria. On their arrival in Italy, they strove to justify
their actions and to persuade the emperor that the sentence passed by the Eastern
Synod was just. Being required to produce a statement of their belief, they
concealed the formulary they had drawn up at Antioch, and presented another written
confession (1) which was equally at variance with the doctrines approved at
Nicaea. Constans perceived that they had unjustly en-trapped both Paul and
Athanasius, and had ejected them from communion, not for charges against his conduct,
as the depositions held, but simply on account of differences in doctrine; and
he accordingly dismissed the deputation without giving any credit to the
representations for which they had come.
CHAP. XI.--THE LONG FORMULARY AND THE ENACTMENTS ISSUED BY THE SYNOD OF
SARDICA. JULIUS, BISHOP OF ROME, AND HOSIUS, THE SPANISH BISHOP, DEPOSED BY THE
BISHOPS OF THE EAST, BECAUSE THEY HELDCOMMUNION WITH ATHANASIUS AND THE REST.
THREE years afterwards, the bishops of the East (2) sent to those of the
West a formulary of faith, which, because it had been framed with verbiage and
thoughts in excess of any former confession, was called
<greek>makrostikod</greek> <greek>ekqesid</greek>. (3) In this formulary they made no mention of the
substance of God, but those are excommunicated who maintain that the Son arose
out of what had no previous existence, or that He is of Another hypostasis, and
not of God, or that there was a time or an age in which He existed not.
Eudoxius, who was still bishop of Germanicia, Martyrius, and Macedonius, carried this
document, but the Western priests did not entertain it; for they declared that
they felt fully satisfied with the doctrines established at Nicaea, and thought
it entirely unnecessary to be too curious about such points.
After the Emperor Constans (4) had requested his brother to reinstate the
followers of Athanasius in their sees, and had found his application to be
unavailing, on account of the counteracting influence of those who adopted a
hostile heresy; and when, moreover, the party of Athanasius and Paul entreated
Constans to assemble a Synod on account of the plots for the abolition of orthodox
doctrines, both the emperors were of the opinion that the bishops of the East and
of the West should be convened on a certain day at Sardica, a city of Illyria.
The bishops of the East, who had previously assembled at Philippopolis, a city
of Thrace, wrote to the bishops of the West, who had already assembled at
Sardica, that they would not join them, unless they would eject the followers of
Athanasius from their assembly, and from communion with them, because they had
been deposed. They afterwards went to Sardica, but declared they would not enter
the church, while those who had been deposed by them were admitted thither. The
bishops of the West replied, that they never had ejected them, and that they
would not yield this now, particularly as Julius, bishop of Rome, after having
investigated the case, had not condemned them, and that besides, they were
present and ready to justify themselves and to refute again the offenses imputed to
them. These declarations, however, were of no avail; and since the time they
had appointed for the adjustment of their differences, concerning which they had
convened, had expired, they finally wrote letters to one another on these
points, and by these they were led to an increase of their previous ill-will. And
after they had convened separately, they brought forward opposite decisions; for
the Eastern bishops confirmed the sentences they had already enacted against
Athanasius, Paul, Marcellus, and Asclepas, and deposed Julius, bishop of Rome,
because he had been the first to admit those who had been condemned by them, into
communion; and Hosius, the confessor, was also deposed, partly for the same
reason, and partly because he was the friend of Paulinus and Eustathius, the
riders of the church in Antioch. Maximus, bishop of Treves, was deposed, because he
had been among the first who had received Paul into communion, and had been
the cause of his returning to Constantinople, and because he had excluded from
communion the Eastern bishops who had repaired to Gaul. Besides the above, they
likewise deposed Protogenes, bishop of Sardica, and Gaudentius; (1) the one
because he favored Marcellus, although he had previously condemned him, and the
other because he had adopted a different line of conduct from that of Cyriacus,
his predecessor, and had supported many individuals then deposed by them. After
issuing these sentences, they made known to the bishops of every region, that
they were not to hold communion with those who were deposed, and that they were
not to write to them, nor to receive letters from them. They likewise commanded
them to believe what was said concerning God in the formulary which they
subjoined to their letter, and in which no mention was made of the term
"consubstantial,'' but in which, those were excommunicated who said there are three Gods, or
that Christ is not God, or that the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost are
the same, or that the Son is un-begotten, or that there was a time or an age in
which He existed not. (2)
CHAP. XlI.--THE BISHOPS OF THE PARTY OF JULIUS AND HOSIUS HELD ANOTHER SESSION
AND DEPOSED THE EASTERN HIGH PRIESTS, AND ALSO MADE A FORMULARY OF FAITH.
THE adherents of Hosius, (3) in the meantime, assembled together, and
declared them innocent: Athanasius, because unjust machinations had been carried on
against him by those who had convened at Tyre; and Marcellus, because he did
not hold the opinions with which he was charged; and Asclepas, because he had
been re-established in his diocese by the vote of Eusebius Pamphilus and of many
other judges; that this was true he proved by the records of the trial; and
lastly, Lucius, because his accusers had fled. They wrote to the parishes of each
of the acquitted, commanding them to receive and recognize their bishops. They
stated that Gregory had not been nominated by them bishop of Alexandria; nor
Basil, bishop of Ancyra; nor Quintianus, bishop of Gaza; and that they had not
received these men into communion, and did not even account them Christians. They
deposed from the episcopates, Theodore, bishop of Thrace; Narcissus, bishop of
Irenopolis; Acacius, bishop of Caesarea, in Palestine; Menophantus, bishop of
Ephesus; Ursacius, bishop of Sigidunus in Moesia; Valens, bishop of Mursia in
Pannonia; and George, bishop of Laodicea, although this latter had not attended
the Synod with the Eastern bishops. They ejected the above-named individuals
from the priesthood and from communion, because they separated the Son from the
substance of the Father, and had received those who had been formerly posed on
account of their holding the Arian heresy, and had, moreover, promoted them to
the highest offices in the service of God. After they had excided them for these
perversions and decreed them to be aliens to the Catholic Church, they
afterwards wrote to the bishops of every nation, (4) commanding them to confirm these
decrees, and to be of one mind on doctrinal subjects with themselves. They
likewise compiled another document of faith, which was more copious than that of
Nicaea, although the same thought was carefully preserved, and very little change
was made in the words of that instrument. Hosius and Protogenes, who held the
first rank among the Western bishops assembled at Sardica, fearing perhaps lest
they should be suspected of making any innovations upon the doctrines of the
Nicene council, wrote to Julius, (5) and testified that they were firmly
attached to these doctrines, but, pressed by the need of perspicuity, they had to
expand the identical thought, in order that the Arians might not take advantage of
the brevity of the document, to draw those who were unskilled in dialectics
into some absurdity. When what I have related had been transacted by each party,
the conference was dissolved, and the members returned to their respective
homes. This Synod was held during the consulate of Rufinus and Eusebius, and about
eleven years after the death of Constantine. (6) There were about three hundred
(7) bishops of cities in the West, and upwards of seventy-six Eastern bishops,
among whom was Ischyrion, who had been appointed bishop of Mareotis by the
enemies of Athanasius.
CHAP. XIII.--AFTER THE SYNOD, THE EAST AND TIlE WEST ARE SEPARATED; THE WEST
NOBLY ADHERES TO THE FAITH OF THE NICENE COUNCIL, WHILE THE EAST IS DISTURBED BY
CONTENTION HERE AND THERE OVER THIS DOGMA.
AFTER this Synod, the Eastern and the Western churches ceased to maintain
the intercourse which usually exists among people of the same faith, and
refrained from holding communion with each other. (1) The Christians of the West
separated themselves from all as far as Thrace; those of the East as far as
Illyria. This divided state of the churches was mixed, as might be supposed, with
dissentient views and calumnies. Although they had previously differed on doctrinal
subjects, yet the evil had attained no great height, for they had still held
communion together and were wont to have kindred feelings. The Church throughout
the whole of the West in its entirety regulated itself by the doctrines of the
Fathers, and kept aloof from all contentions and hair-splitting about dogma.
Although Auxentius, who had become bishop of Milan, and Valens and Ursacius,
bishops of Pannonia, had endeavored to lead that part of the empire into the Arian
doctrines, their efforts had been carefully anticipated by the president of
the Roman see and the other priests, who cut out the seeds of such a troublesome
heresy. As to the Eastern Church, although it had been racked by dissension
since the time of the council of Antioch, and although it had already openly
differed from the Nicaean form of belief, yet I think it is true that the opinion of
the majority united in the same thought, and confessed the Son to be of the
substance of the Father. There were some, however, who were fond of wrangling and
battled against the term "consubstantial"; for those who had been opposed to
the word at the beginning, thought, as I infer, and as happens to most people,
that it would be a disgrace to appear as conquered. Others were finally
convinced of the truth of the doctrines concerning God, by the habit of frequent
disputation on these themes, and ever afterwards continued firmly attached to them.
Others again, being aware that contentions ought not to arise, inclined toward
that which was gratifying to each of the sides, on account of the influence,
either of friendship or they were swayed by the various causes which often induce
men to embrace what they ought to reject, and to act without boldness, in
circumstances which require thorough conviction. Many others, accounting it absurd
to consume their time in altercations about words, quietly adopted the
sentiments inculcated by the council of Nicaea. Paul, bishop of Constantinople,
Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, the entire multitude of monks, Antony the Great, who
still survived, his disciples, and a great number of Egyptians and of other
places in the Roman territory, firmly and openly maintained the doctrines of the
Nicaean council throughout the other regions of the East. As I have been led to
allude to the monks, I shall briefly mention those who flourished during the
reign of Constantius.
CHAP. XIV.--OF THE HOLY MEN WHO FLOURISHED ABOUT THIS TIME IN EGYPT, NAMELY,
ANTONY, THE TWO MACARIUSES, HERACLIUS, CRONIUS, PAPHNUTIUS, PUTUBASTUS,
ARSISIUS, SERAPION, PITURION, PACHOMIUS, APOLLONIUS, ANUPH, HILARION, AND A REGISTER OF
MANY OTHER SAINTS.
I SHALL commence my recital (2) with Egypt and the two men named Macarius,
who were the celebrated chiefs of Scetis and of the neighboring mountain; the
one was a native of Egypt, the other was called Politicus, because he was a
citizen and was of Alexandrian origin. They were both so wonderfully endowed with
Divine knowledge and philosophy, that the demons regarded them with terror, and
they wrought many extraordinary works and miraculous cures. The Egyptian, the
story says, restored a dead man to life, in order to convince a heretic of the
truth of the resurrection from the dead. He lived about ninety years, sixty of
which he passed in the deserts. When in his youth he commenced the study of
philosophy, he progressed so rapidly, that the monks surnamed him "old child," and
at the age of forty he was ordained presbyter. The other Macarius became a
presbyter at a later period of his life; he was proficient in all the exercises of
asceticism, some of which he devised himself, and what particulars he heard
among other ascetics, he carried through to success in every form, so that by
thoroughly drying up his skin, the hairs of his beard ceased to grow. Pambo,
Heraclides, Cronius, Paphnutius, Putubastus, Arsisius, Serapion the Great, Piturion,
who dwelt near Thebes, and Pachomius, the founder of the monks called the
Tabennesians, flourished at the same place and period. The attire and government of
this sect differed in some respects from those of other monks. Its members
were, however, devoted to virtue, they contemned the things of earth, excited the
soul to heavenly contemplation, and prepared it to quit the body with joy. They
were clothed in skins in remembrance of Elias, it appears to me, because they
thought that the virtue of the prophet would be thus always retained in their
memory, and that they would be enabled, like him to resist manfully the
seductions of amorous pleasures, to be influenced by similar zeal, and be incited to
the practice of sobriety by the hope of an equal reward. It is said that the
peculiar vestments of these Egyptian monks had reference to some secret connected
with their philosophy, and did not differ from those of others without some
adequate cause. They wore their tunics without sleeves, in order to teach that the
hands ought not to be ready to do presumptuous evil. They wore a covering on
their heads called a cowl, to show that they ought to live with the same
innocence and purity as infants who are nourished with milk, and wear a covering of the
same form. Their girdle, and a species of scarf, which they wear across the
loins, shoulders, and arms, admonish them that they ought to be always ready in
the service and work of God. I am aware that other reasons have been assigned
for their peculiarity of attire, but what I have said appears to me to be
sufficient. It is said that Pachomius at first practiced philosophy alone in a cave,
but that a holy angel appeared to him, and commanded him to call together some
young monks, and live with them, for he had succeeded well in pursuing
philosophy by himself, and to train them by the laws which were about to be delivered to
him, and now he was to possess and benefit many as a leader of communities. A
tablet was then given to him, which is still carefully preserved. Upon this
tablet were inscribed injunctions by which he was bound to permit every one to
eat, to drink, to work, and to fast, according to his capabilities of so doing;
those who ate heartily were to be subjected to arduous labor, and the ascetic
were to have more easy tasks assigned them; he was commanded to have many cells
erected, in each of which three monks were to dwell, who were to take their
meals at a common refectory in silence, and to sit around the table with a veil
thrown over the rice, so that they might not be able to see each other or anything
but the table and what was set before them; they were not to admit strangers
to eat with them, with the exception of travelers, to whom they were to show
hospitality; those who desired to live with them, were first to undergo a
probation of three years, during which time the most laborious tasks were to be done,
and, by this method they could share in their community. They were to clothe
themselves in skins, and to wear woolen tiaras adorned with purple nails, and
linen tunics and girdles. They were to sleep in their tunics and garments of skin,
reclining on long chairs specially constructed by being closed on each side, so
that it could hold the material of each couch. On the first and last days of
the week they were to approach the altar for the communion in the holy
mysteries, and were then to unloose their girdles and throw off their robes of skin.
They were to pray twelve times every day and as often during the evening, and were
to offer up the same number of prayers during the night. At the ninth hour
they were to pray thrice, and when about to partake of food they were to sing a
psalm before each prayer. The whole community was to be divided into twenty-four
classes, each of which was to be distinguished by one of the letters of the
Greek alphabet, and so that each might have a cognomen fitting to the grade of its
conduct and habit. Thus the name of Iota was given to the more simple, and
that of Zeta or of Xi to the crooked, and the names of the other letters were
chosen according as the purpose of the order most fittingly answered the form of
the letter.
These were the laws (1) by which Pachomius ruled his own disciples. He was
a man who loved men and was beloved of God, so that he could foreknow future
events, and was frequently admitted to intercourse with the holy angels. He
resided at Tabenna, in Thebais, and hence the name Tabennesians, which still
continues. By adopting these rules for their government, they became very renowned,
and in process of time increased so vastly, that they reached to the number of
seven thousand men. But the community on the island of Tabenna with which
Pachomius lived, consisted of about thirteen hundred; the others resided in the
Thebais and the rest of Egypt. They all observed one and the same rule of life, and
possessed everything in common. They regarded the community established in the
island of Tabenna as their mother, and the rulers of it as their fathers and
their princes.
About the same period, Apollonius became celebrated by his profession of
monastic philosophy. It is said that from the age of fifteen he devoted himself
to philosophy in the deserts, and that when he attained the age of forty, he
went according to a Divine command he then received, to dwell in regions
inhabited by men. He had likewise a community in the Thebais. He was greatly beloved of
God, and was endowed with the power of performing miraculous cures and notable
works. He was exact in the observance of duty, and instructed others in
philosophy with great goodness and kindness. He was acceptable to such a degree in
his prayers, that nothing of what he asked from God was denied him, but he was so
wise that he always proffered prudent requests and such as the Divine Being is
ever ready to grant.
I believe that Anuph the divine, lived about this period. I have been
informed that from the time of the persecution, when he first avowed his attachment
to Christianity, he never uttered a falsehood, nor desired the things of
earth. All his prayers and supplications to God were duly answered, and he was
instructed by a holy angel in every virtue. Let, however, what we have said of the
Egyptian monks suffice.
The same species of philosophy was about this time cultivated in
Palestine, after being learned in Egypt, and Hilarion the divine then acquired great
celebrity. He was a native of Thabatha, (1) a village situated near the town of
Gaze, towards the south, and hard by a torrent which fills into the sea, and
received the same name as the village, from the people of that country. When he was
studying grammar at Alexandria, he went out into the desert to see the monk
Antony the Great and in his company he learned to adopt a like philosophy. After
spending a short time there, he returned to his own country, because he was not
allowed to be as quiet as he wished, on account of the multitudes who flocked
around Antony. On finding his parents dead, he distributed his patrimony among
his brethren and the poor, and without reserving anything whatever for himself,
he went to dwell in a desert situated near the sea, and about twenty stadia
from his native village. His cell residence was a very little house, and was
constructed of bricks, chips and broken tiles, and was of such a breadth, height,
and length that no one could stand in it without bending the head, or lie down
in it without drawing up the feet; for in everything he strove to accustom
himself to hardship and to the subjugation of luxurious ease. To none of those we
have known did he yield in the high reach of his unboastful and approved
temperance. He contended against hunger and thirst, cold and heat, and other
afflictions of the body and of the soul. He was earnest in conduct, grave in discourse,
and with a good memory and accurate attainment in Sacred Writ. He was so
beloved by God, that even now many afflicted and possessed people are healed at his
tomb. It is remarkable that he was first interred in the island of Cyprus, but
that his remains are now deposited in Palestine; for it so happened, that he
died during his residence in Cyprus, and was buried by the inhabitants with great
honor and respect. But Hesychas, one of the most renowned of his disciples,
stole the body, conveyed it to Palestine, and interred it in his own monastery.
From that period, the inhabitants conducted a public and brilliant festival
yearly; for it is the custom in Palestine to bestow this honor on those among them,
who have attained renown by their goodness, such as Aurelius, Anthedonius,
Alexion, a native of Bethagathon, and Alaphion, a native of Asalea, who, during
the reign of Constantius, lived religiously and courageously in the practice of
philosophy, and by their personal virtues they caused a considerable increase to
the faith [among the cities and villages that were still under the pagan
superstition.
About the same period, Julian practiced philosophy near Edessa; he
attempted a very severe and incorporeal method of life so that he seemed to consist of
bones and skin without flesh. The setting forth of the history is due to
Ephraim, the Syrian writer, who wrote the story of Julian's life. God himself
confirmed the high opinion which men had formed of him; for He bestowed on him the
power of expelling demons and of healing all kinds of diseases, without having
recourse to drugs, but simply by prayer.
Besides the above, many other ecclesiastical philosophers flourished in
the territories of Edessa and Amida, and about the mountain called Gaugalius;
among these were Daniel and Simeon. But I shall now say nothing further of the
Syrian monks; I shall further on, if God will, describe them more fully. (2)
It is said that Eustathius, (3) who governed the church of Sebaste in
Armenia, founded a society of monks in Armenia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus, and became
the author of a zealous discipline, both as to what meats were to be partaken
of or to be avoided, what garments were to be worn, and what customs and exact
course of conduct were to be adopted. Some assert that he was the author of the
ascetic treatises commonly attributed to Basil of Cappadocia. It is said that
his great exactness led him into certain extravagances which were altogether
contrary to the laws of the Church. Many persons, however, justify him from this
accusation, and throw the blame upon some of his disciples, who condemned
marriage, refused to pray to God in the houses of married persons, despised married
presbyters, fasted on Lord's days, held their assemblies in private houses,
denounced the rich as altogether without part in the kingdom of God, contemned
those who partook of animal food. They did not retain the customary tunics and
stoles for their dress, but used a strange and unwonted garb, and made many other
innovations. Many women were deluded by them, and left their husbands; but, not
being able to practice continence, they fell into adultery. Other women, under
the pretext of religion, cut off their hair, and behaved otherwise than is
fitting to a woman, by arraying themselves in men's apparel. The bishops of the
neighborhood of Gangroe, the metropolis of Paphlagonia, assembled themselves
together, and declared that all those who imbibed these opinions should be aliens
to the Catholic Church, unless, according to the definitions of the Synod, they
would renounce each of the aforesaid customs. It is said that from that time,
Eustathius exchanged his clothing for the stole, and made his journeys habited
like other priests, thus proving that he had not introduced and practiced these
novelties out of self-will, but for the sake of a godly asceticism. He was as
renowned for his discourses as for the purity of his life. To confess the truth,
he was not eloquent, nor had he ever studied the art of eloquence; yet he had
admirable sense and a high capacity of persuasion, so that he induced several
men and women, who were living in fornication, to enter upon a temperate and
earnest course of life. It is related that a certain man and woman, who, according
to the custom of the Church, had devoted themselves to a life of virginity,
were accused of cohabiting together. He strove to make them cease from their
intercourse; finding that his remonstrances produced no effect upon them, he sighed
deeply, and said that a woman who had been legally married had, on one
occasion, heard him discourse on the advantage of continence, and was thereby so
deeply affected that she voluntarily abstained from legitimate intercourse with her
own husband, and that the weakness of his powers of conviction was, on the
other hand, attested by the fact, that the parties above mentioned persisted in
their illegal course. Such were the men who originated the practice of monastic
discipline in the regions above mentioned.
Although the Thracians, the Illyrians, and the other European nations were
still inexperienced in monastic communities, yet they were not altogether
lacking in men devoted to philosophy. Of these, Martin, (1) the descendant of a
noble family of Saboria in Pannonia, was the most illustrious. He was originally a
noted warrior, and the commander of armies; but, accounting the service of God
to be a more honorable profession, he embraced a life of philosophy, and
lived, in the first place, in Illyria. Here be zealously defended the orthodox
doctrines against the attacks of the Arian bishops, and after being plotted against
and frequently beaten by the people, he was driven from the country. He then
went to Milan, and dwelt alone. He was soon, however, obliged to quit his place
of retreat on account of the machinations of Auxentius, bishop of that region,
who did not hold soundly to the Nicene faith; and he went to an island called
Gallenaria, where he remained for some time, satisfying himself with roots of
plants. Gallenaria is a small and uninhabited island lying in the Tyrrhenian Sea.
Martin was afterwards appointed bishop of the church of Tarracinae (Tours). He
was so richly endowed with miraculous gifts that he restored a dead man to
life, and performed other signs as wonderful as those wrought by the apostles. We
have heard that Hilary, a man divine in his life and conversation, lived about
the same time, and in the same country; like Martin, he was obliged [to flee
from his place of abode, on account of his zeal in defense of the faith.
I have now related what I have been able to ascertain concerning the
individuals who practiced philosophy in piety and ecclesiastical rites. There were
many others who were noted in the churches about the same period on account of
their great eloquence, and among these the most distinguished were, Eusebius,
who administered the priestly office at Emesa; Titus, bishop of Bostra; Serapion,
bishop of Thmuis; Basil, bishop of Ancyra; Eudoxius, bishop of Germanicia;
Acacius, bishop of Caesarea; and Cyril, who controlled the see of Jerusalem. A
proof of their education is in the books they have written and left behind, and
the many things worthy of record.
CHAP. XV.--DIDYMUS THE BLIND, AND AETIUS THE HERETIC.
DIDYMUS, (2) an ecclesiastical writer and president of the school of
sacred learning in Alexandria, flourished about the same period. He was acquainted
with every branch of science, and was conversant with poetry and rhetoric, with
astronomy and geometry, with arithmetic, and with the various theories of
philosophy. He had acquired all this knowledge by the efforts of his own mind, aided
by the sense of hearing, for he became blind during his first attempt at
learning the rudiments. When he had advanced to youth, he manifested an ardent
desire to acquire speech and training, and for this purpose he frequented the
teachers of these branches, but learned by hearing only, where he made such rapid
progress that he speedily comprehended the difficult theorems in mathematics. It
is said that he learned the letters of the alphabet by means of tablets in which
they were engraved, and which he felt with his fingers; and that he made
himself acquainted with syllables and words by the force of attention and memory,
and by listening attentively to the sounds. His was a very extraordinary case,
and many persons resorted to Alexandria for the express purpose of hearing, or,
at least, of seeing him. His firmness in defending the doctrines of the Nicaean
council was extremely displeasing to the Arians. He easily carried conviction
to the minds of his audience by persuasion rather than by power of reasoning,
and he constituted each one a judge of the ambiguous points. He was much sought
after by the members of the Catholic Church, and was praised by the orders of
monks in Egypt, and by Antony the Great.
It is related that when Antony left the desert and repaired to Alexandria
to give his testimony in favor of the doctrines of Athanasius, he said to
Didymus, "It is not a severe thing, nor does it deserve to be grieved over, O
Didymus, that you are deprived of the organs of sight which are possessed by rats,
mice, and the lowest animals; but it is a great blessing to possess eyes like
angels, whereby you can contemplate keenly the Divine Being, and see accurately
the true knowledge." In Italy and its territories, Eusebius and Hilary, whom I
have already mentioned, were conspicuous for strength in the use of their native
tongue, whose treatises (1) concerning the faith and against the heterodox,
they say, were approvingly circulated. Lucifer, as the story goes, was the founder
of a heresy which bears his name, (2) and flourished at this period. Aetius
(3) was likewise held in high estimation among the heterodox; he was a
dialectician, apt in syllogism and proficient in disputation, and a diligent student of
such forms, but without art. He reasoned so boldly concerning the nature of God,
that many persons gave him the name of "Atheist." It is said that he was
originally a physician of Antioch in Syria, and that, as he frequently attended
meetings of the churches, and thought over the Sacred Scriptures, he became
acquainted with Gallus, who was then Caesar, and who honored religion much and
cherished its professors. It seems likely that, as Aetius obtained the esteem of
Caesar by means of these disputations, he devoted himself the more assiduously to
these pursuits, in order to progress in the favor of the emperor. It is said
that he was versed in the philosophy of Aristotle, and frequented the schools in
which it was taught at Alexandria.
Besides the individuals above specified, there were many others in the
churches who were capable of instructing the people and of reasoning concerning
the doctrines of the Holy Scriptures. It would be too great a task to attempt to
name them all. Let it not be accounted strange, if I have bestowed
commendations upon the leaders or enthusiasts of the above-mentioned heresies. I admire
their eloquence, and their impressiveness in discourse. I leave their doctrines to
be judged by those whose right it is. For I have not been set forth to record
such matters, nor is it befitting in history; I have only to give an account of
events as they happened, not supplementing my own additions. Of those who at
that time became most distinguished in education and discourse and who used the
Roman and Greek languages, I have enumerated in the above narrative as many as
I have received an account of.
CHAP. XVI. -- CONCERNING ST. EPHRAIM.
EPHRAIM the Syrian (4) was entitled to the highest honors, and was the
greatest ornament of the Catholic Church. He was a native of Nisibis, or his
family was of the neighboring territory. He devoted his life to monastic
philosophy; and although he received no instruction, he became, contrary to all
expectation, so proficient in the learning and language of the Syrians, that he
comprehended with ease the most abstruse theorems of philosophy. His style of writing
was so replete with splendid oratory and with richness and temperateness of
thought that he surpassed the most approved writers of Greece. If the works of
these writers were to be translated into Syriac, or any other language, and
divested, as it were, of the beauties of the Greek language, they would retain little
of their original elegance and value. The productions of Ephraim have not this
disadvantage: they were translated into Greek during his life, and
translations are even now being made, and yet they preserve much of their original force,
so that his works are not less admired when read in Greek than when read in
Syriac. Basil, who was subsequently bishop of the metropolis of Cappadocia, was a
great admirer of Ephraim, and was astonished at his erudition. The opinion of
Basil, who is universally confessed to have been the most eloquent man of his
age, is a stronger testimony, I think, to the merit of Ephraim, than anything
that could be indited to his praise. It is said that he wrote three hundred
thousand verses, and that he had many disciples who were zealously attached to his
doctrines. The most celebrated of his disciples were Abbas, Zenobius, Abraham,
Maras, and Simeon, in whom the Syrians and whoever among them pursued accurate
learning make a great boast. Paulanas and Aranad are praised for their finished
speech, although reported to have deviated from sound doctrine.
I am not ignorant that there were some very learned men who formerly
flourished in Osroene, as, for instance, Bardasanes, who devised a heresy designated
by his name, (5) and Harmonius, his son. It is related that this latter was
deeply versed in Grecian erudition, and was the first to subdue his native tongue
to meters and musical laws; these verses he delivered to the choirs, and even
now the Syrians frequently sing, not the precise copies by Harmonius, but the
same melodies. For as Harmonius was not altogether free from the errors of his
father, and entertained various opinions concerning the soul, the generation and
destruction of the body, and the regeneration which are taught by the Greek
philosophers, he introduced some of these sentiments into the lyrical songs which
he composed. When Ephraim perceived that the Syrians were charmed with the
elegance of the diction and the rhythm of the melody, he became apprehensive, lest
they should imbibe the same opinions; and therefore, although he was ignorant
of Grecian learning, he applied himself to the understanding of the metres of
Harmonius, and composed similar poems in accordance with the doctrines of the
Church, and wrought also in sacred hymns and in the praises of passionless men.
From that period the Syrians sang the odes of Ephraim according to the law of
the ode established by Harmonius. The execution of this work is alone sufficient
to attest the natural endowments of Ephraim. He was as celebrated for the good
actions he performed as for the rigid course of discipline he pursued. He was
particularly fond of tranquil-lily. He was so serious and so careful to avoid
giving occasion to calumny, that he refrained from the very sight of women. It is
related that a female of careless life, who was either desirous of tempting
him, or who had been bribed for the purpose, contrived on one occasion to meet
him face to face, and fixed her eyes intently upon him; he rebuked her, and
commanded her to look down upon the ground, "Wherefore should I obey your
injunction," replied the woman; "for I was born not of the earth, but of you? It would be
more just if you were to look down upon the earth whence you sprang, while I
look upon you, as I was born of you." Ephraim, astonished at the little woman,
recorded the whole transaction in a book, which most Syrians regard as one of
the best of his productions. It is also said of him, that, although he was
naturally prone to passion, he never exhibited angry feeling toward any one from the
period of his embracing a monastic life. It once happened that after he had,
according to custom, been fasting several days, his attendant, in presenting some
food to him, let fall the dish on which it was placed. Ephraim, perceiving
that he was overwhelmed with shame and terror, said to him, "Take courage; we will
go to the food as the food does not come to us"; and he immediately seated
himself beside the fragments of the dish, and ate his supper. What I am about to
relate will suffice to show that he was totally exempt from the love of
vainglory. He was appointed bishop of some town, and attempts were made to convey him
away for the purpose of ordaining him. As soon as he became aware of what was
intended, he ran to the market-place, and showed himself as a madman by stepping
in a disorderly way, dragging his clothes along, and eating in public. Those
who had come to carry him away to be their bishop, on seeing him in this state,
believed that he was out of his mind, and departed; and he, meeting with an
opportunity for effecting his escape, remained in concealment until another had
been ordained in his place. What I have now said concerning Ephraim must suffice,
although his own countrymen relate many other anecdotes of him. Yet his
conduct on one occasion, shortly before his death, appears to me so worthy of
remembrance that I shall record it here. The city of Edessa being severely visited by
famine, he quitted the solitary ceil in which he pursued philosophy, and
rebuked the rich for permitting the poor to die around them, instead of imparting to
them of their superfluities; and he represented to them by his philosophy, that
the wealth which they were treasuring up so carefully would turn to their own
condemnation, and to the ruin of the soul, which is of more value than all
riches, and the body itself and all other values, and he proved that they were
putting no estimate upon their souls, because of their actions. The rich men,
revering the man and his words, replied, "We are not intent upon hoarding our
wealth, but we know of no one to whom we can confide the distribution of our goods,
for all are prone to seek after lucre, and to betray the trust placed in them."
"What think you of me?" asked Ephraim. On their admitting that they considered
him an efficient, excellent, and good man, and worthy, and that he was exactly
what his reputation confirmed, he offered to undertake the distribution of
their alms. As soon as he received their money, he had about three hundred beds
fitted up in the public porches; and here he tended those who were ill and
suffering from the effects of the famine, whether they were foreigners or natives of
the surrounding country. On the cessation of the famine he returned to the cell
in which he had previously dwelt; and, after the lapse of a few days, he
expired. He attained no higher clerical degree than that of deacon, although he
became no less famous for his virtue than those who are ordained to the priesthood
and are admired for the conversation of a good life and for learning. I have now
given some account of the virtue of Ephraim. It would require a more
experienced hand than mine, to furnish a full description of his character and that of
the other illustrious men who, about the same period, had devoted themselves to
a life and career of philosophy; and for some things, it would require such a
writer as he himself was. The attempt is beyond my powers by reason of weakness
of language, and ignorance of the men themselves and their exploits. Some of
them concealed themselves in the deserts. Others, who lived in the intercourse of
cities, strove to preserve a mean appearance, and to seem as if they differed
in no respect from the multitude, working out their virtue, concealing a true
estimate of themselves, that they might avoid the praises of others. For as they
were intent upon the exchange of future benefits, they made God alone the
witness of their thoughts, and had no concern for outward glory.
CHAP. XVII. -- TRANSACTIONS OF THAT PERIOD, AND PROGRESS OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE
THROUGH THE JOINT EFFORTS OF EMPERORS AND ARCH-PRIESTS.
THOSE who presided over the churches at this period were noted for
personal conduct, and, as might be expected, the people whom they governed were
earnestly attached to the worship of Christ. (1) Religion daily progressed, by the
zeal, virtue, and wonderful works of the priests, and of the ecclesiastical
philosophers, who attracted the attention of the pagans, and led them to renounce
their superstitions. The emperors who then occupied the throne were as zealous as
was their father in protecting the churches, and they granted honors and tax
exemptions to the clergy, their children, and their slaves. They confirmed the
laws enacted by their father, and enforced new ones prohibiting the offering of
sacrifice, the worship of images, or any other pagan observance. They commanded
that all temples, whether in cities or in the country, should be closed. Some
of these temples were presented to the churches, when either the ground they
stood on or the materials for building were required. The greatest possible care
was bestowed upon the houses of prayer, those which had been defaced by time
were repaired, and others were erected from the foundations in a style of
extraordinary magnificence. The church of Emesa is one most worthy to see and famous
for its beauty. The Jews were strictly forbidden to purchase a slave belonging
to any other heresy than their own. If they transgressed this law, the slave was
confiscated (2) to the public; but if they administered to him the Jewish rite
of circumcision, the penalties were death and total confiscation of property.
For, as the emperors were desirous of promoting by every means the spread of
Christianity, they deemed it necessary to prevent the Jews from proselyting those
whose ancestors were of another religion, and those who were holding the hope
of professing Christianity were carefully reserved for the Church; for it was
from the pagan multitudes that the Christian religion increased.
CHAP. XVIII. -- CONCERNING THE DOCTRINES HELD BY THE SONS OF CONSTANTINE.
DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE TERMS "HOMOOUSIOS" AND "HOMOIOUSIOS." WHENCE IT CAME THAT
CONSTANTIUS QUICKLY ABANDONED THE CORRECT FAITH.
THE emperors (3) had, from the beginning, preserved their father's view
about doctrine; for they both favored the Nicene form of belief. Constans
maintained these opinions till his death; Constantius held a similar view for some
time; he, however, renounced his former sentiments when the term "consubstantial"
was calumniated, yet he did not altogether refrain from confessing that the
Son is of like substance with the Father. The followers of Eusebius, and other
bishops of the East, who were admired for their speech and life, made a
distinction, as we know, between the term "consubstantial" (homoousios) and the
expression "of like substance," which latter they designated by the term,
"homoiousios." They say that the term "consubstantial" (homoousios) properly belongs to
corporeal beings, such as men and other animals, trees and plants, whose
participation and origin is in like things; but that the term "homoiousios" appertains
exclusively to incorporeal beings, such as God and the angels, of each one of
whom a conception is formed according to his own peculiar substance. The Emperor
Constantius was deceived by this distinction; and although I am certain that he
retained the same doctrines as those held by his father and brother, yet he
adopted a change of phraseology, and, instead of rising the term "homoousios,"
made use of the term "homoiousios." The teachers to whom we have alluded
maintained that it was necessary to be thus precise in the use of terms, and that
otherwise we should be in danger of conceiving that to be a body which is
incorporeal. Many, however, regard this distinction as an absurdity, "for," say they, "the
things which are conceived by the mind can be designated only by names derived
from things which are seen; and there is no danger in the use of words,
provided that there be no error about the idea.
CHAP. XIX. -- FURTHER PARTICULARS CONCERNING THE TERM "CONSUBSTANTIAL."
COUNCIL OF ARIMINUM, THE MANNER, SOURCE, AND REASON OF ITS CONVENTION.
IT is not surprising that the Emperor Con stantius was induced to adopt
the use of the term "homoiousios," for it was admitted by many priests who
conformed to the doctrines of the Nicaean council. (1) Many use the two words
indifferently, to convey the same meaning. Hence, it appears to me, that the Arians
departed greatly from the truth when they affirmed that, after the council of
Nicaea, many of the priests, among whom were Eusebius and Theognis, refused to
admit that the Son is consubstantial with the Father, and that Constantine was in
consequence so indignant, that he condemned them to banishment. They say that
it was afterwards revealed to his sister by a dream or a vision from God, that
these bishops held orthodox doctrines and had suffered unjustly; and that the
emperor thereupon recalled them, and demanded of them wherefore they had departed
from the Nicene doctrines, since they had been participants in the document
concerning the faith which had been there framed; and that they urged in reply
that they had not assented to those doctrines from conviction, but from the fear
that, if the disputes then existing were prolonged, the emperor, who was then
just beginning to embrace Christianity, and who was yet unbaptized, might be
impelled to return to Paganism, as seemed likely, and to persecute the Church.
They assert that Constantine was pleased with this defense, and determined upon
convening another council; but that, being pre- vented by death from carrying
his scheme into execution, the task devolved upon his eldest son, Constantius, to
whom he represented that it would avail him nothing to be possessed of
imperial power, unless he could establish uniformity of worship throughout his empire;
and Constantius they say, at the instigation of his father, convened a council
at Ariminum. (2) This story is easily seen to be a gross fabrication, for the
council was convened during the consulate of Hypatius and Eusebius, and
twenty-two years after Constantius had, on the death of his father, succeeded to the
empire. Now, during this interval of twenty-two years, many councils were held,
in which debates were carried on concerning the terms "homoousias" and
"homoiousios." No one, it appears, ventured to deny that the Son is of like substance
(3) with the Father, until Actius, by starting a contrary opinion, so offended
the emperor that, in order to arrest the course of the heresy, he commanded the
priests to assemble themselves together at Ariminum and at Seleucia. Thus the
true cause of this council being convened was not the command of Constantine,
(4) but the question agitated by Aetius. And this will become still more apparent
by what we shall hereafter relate.
CHAP XX.--ATHANASIUS AGAIN REINSTATED BY THE LETTER OF CONSTANTIUS, AND
RECEIVES HIS SEE. THE ARCH-PRIESTS OF ANTIOCH. QUESTION PUT BY CONSTANTIUS TO
ATHANASIUS, THE PRAISE OF GOD IN HYMNS.
WHEN Constans was apprised of what had been enacted at Sardica, he wrote
(5) to his brother to request him to restore the followers of Athanasius and
Paul to their own churches. As Constantius seemed to hesitate, he wrote again, and
threatened him with war, unless he would consent to receive the bishops.
Constantius, after conferring on the subject with the bishops of the East, judged
that it would be foolish to excite on this account the horrors of civil war. He
therefore recalled Athanasius from Italy, and sent public carriages to convey
him on his return homewards, and wrote several letters requesting his speedy
return. Athanasius, who was then residing at Aquilea, on receiving the letters of
Constantius, repaired to Rome to take leave of Julius and his friends. Julius
parted from him with great demonstrations of friendship, and gave him a letter
addressed to the clergy and people of Alexandria, in which he spoke of him as a
wonderful man, deserving of renown by the numerous trials he had undergone, and
congratulated the church of Alexandria on the return of so good a priest, and
exhorted them to follow his doctrines.
He then proceeded to Antioch in Syria, where the emperor was then
residing. Leontius presided over the churches of that region; for after the flight of
Eustathius, those who held heretical sentiments had seized the see of Antioch.
The first bishop they appointed was Euphronius; to him succeeded Placetus; and
afterwards Stephen. This latter was deposed as being unworthy of the dignity,
and Leontius obtained the bishopric. Athanasius avoided him as a heretic, and
communed with those who were called Eustathians, who assembled in a private house.
Since he found that Constantius was well disposed, and agreeable, and it
looked as if the emperor would restore his own church to him, Constantius, at the
instigation of the leaden of the opposing heresy, replied as follows "I am ready
to perform all that I promised when I recalled you; but it is just that you
should in return grant me a favor, and that is, that you yield one of the numerous
churches which are under your sway to those who are averse to holding
communion with you." Athanasius replied: "O emperor, it is exceedingly just and
necessary to obey your commands, and I will not gainsay, but as in the city of Antioch
there are many who eschew communion between the heterodox and ourselves, I
seek a like favor that one church may be conceded to us, and that we may assemble
there in safety." As the request of Athanasius appeared reasonable to the
emperor, the heterodox deemed it more politic to keep quiet; for they reflected that
their peculiar opinions could never gain any ground in Alexandria, on account
of Athanasius, who was able both to retain those who held the same sentiments
as himself, and lead those of contrary opinions; and that, moreover if they gave
up one of the churches of Antioch, the Eustathians, who were very numerous,
would assemble together, and then probably attempt innovations, since it would be
possible for them without risk to retain those whom they held. Besides, the
heterodox perceived that, although the government of the churches was in their
hands, all the clergy and people did not conform to their doctrines. (1) When
they sang hymns to God, they were, according to custom, divided into choirs, and,
at the end of the odes, each one declared what were his own peculiar
sentiments. Some offered praise to "the Father and the Son," regarding them as co-equal
in glory; others glorified "The Father by the Son," to denote by the insertion
of the preposition that they considered the Son to be inferior to the Father.
While these occurrences took place, Leontius, the bishop of the opposite faction,
who then presided over the see of Antioch, did not dare to prohibit the
singing of hymns to God which were in accordance with the tradition of the Nicaean
Synod, for he feared to excite an insurrection of the people. It is related,
however, that he once raised his hand to his head, the hairs of which were quite
white, and said, "When this snow is dissolved, there will be plenty of mud." By
this he intended to signify that, after his death, the different modes of
singing hymns would give rise to great seditions, and that his successors would not
show the same consideration to the people which he had manifested.
CHAP. XXI. -- LETTER OF CONSTANTIUS TO THE EGYPTIANS IN BEHALF OF ATHANASIUS.
SYNOD OF JERUSALEM.
THE emperor, on sending back (2) Athanasius to Egypt, wrote in his favor
to the bishops and presbyters of that country, and to the people of the church
of Alexandria; he testified to the integrity of his conduct and the virtue of
his manners, and exhorted them to be of one mind, and to unite in prayer and
service to God under his guidance. He added that, if any evil-disposed persons
should excite disturbances, they should receive the punishment awarded by the laws
for such offenses. He also commanded that the former decrees he had enacted
against Athanasius, and those who were in communion with him, should be effaced
from the public registers, and that his clergy should be admitted to the same
exemptions they had previously enjoyed; and edicts to this effect were dispatched
to the governors of Egypt and Libya.
Immediately on his arrival in Egypt, Athanasius displaced those whom he
knew to be attached to Arianism, and placed the government of the Church and the
confession of the Nicaean council in the hands of those whom he approved, and
he exhorted them to hold to this with earnestness. It was said at that time,
that, when he was traveling through other countries, he effected the same change,
if be happened to visit churches which were under the Arians. He was certainly
accused of having dared to perform the ceremony of ordination in cities where
he had no right to do so. But because he had effected his return, although his
enemies were unwilling, and it did not seem that he could be easily cast under
suspicion, in that he was honored with the friendship of the Emperor Constans,
he was regarded with greater consideration than before. Many bishops, who had
previously been at enmity with him, received him into communion, particularly
those of Palestine. When he at that time visited these latter, they received him
kindly. They held a Synod at Jerusalem, and Maximus and the others wrote the
following letter in his favor.
CHAP.XXII. -- EPISTLE WRITTEN BY THE SYNOD OF JERUSALEM IN FAVOR OF ATHANASIUS.
"THE holy Synod assembled at Jerusalem, to the presbyters, deacons, and
people of Egypt, Libya, and Alexandria, our beloved and most cherished brethren,
greeting in the Lord. (3)
"We can never, O beloved, return adequate thanks to God, the Creator of
all things, for the wonderful works he has now accomplished, particularly for the
blessings He has conferred on your churches by the restoration of Athanasius,
your shepherd and lord, and our fellow-minister. Who could have hoped to have
ever seen this with his eyes, which now you are realizing in deed? But truly
your prayers have been heard by the God of the universe who is concerned for His
Church, and who has regarded your tears and complaint, and on this account has
heard your requests. For you were scattered abroad and rent like sheep without a
pastor. Therefore, the true Shepherd, who from heaven watched over you, and
who is concerned for His own sheep, has restored to you him whom you desired.
Behold, we do all things for the peace of the Church, and are influenced by love
like yours. Therefore we received and embraced your pastor, and, having held
communion with you through him, we dispatch this address and our eucharistic
prayers that you may know how we are united by the bond of love to him and you. It
is right that you should pray for the piety of the emperors most beloved of God,
who having recognized your desire about him and his purity determined to
restore him to you with every honor. Receive him, then, with uplifted hands, and be
zealous to send aloft the requisite eucharistic prayers in his behalf to the
God who has conferred these benefits upon you; and may you ever rejoice with
God, and glorify the Lord in Christ Jesus our Lord, by whom be glory to the
Father throughout all ages. Amen."
CHAP. XXIII. -- VALENS AND URSACIUS, WHO BELONGED TO THE ARIAN FACTION,
CONFESS TO THE BISHOP OF ROME THAT THEY HAD MADE FALSE CHARGES AGAINST ATHANASIUS.
SUCH was the letter written by the Synod convened in Palestine. Some time
after Athanasius had the satisfaction of seeing the injustice of the sentence
enacted against him by the council of Tyre publicly recognized. (1) Valens and
Ursacius, who had been sent with Theognis and his followers to obtain
information in Mareotis, as we before mentioned, concerning the holy cup which Ischyrion
had accused Athanasius of having broken, wrote the following retraction to
Julius, bishop of Rome: --
"Ursacius and Valens, to the most blessed Lord Pope Julius.
"Since we previously, as is well known made many various charges' against
Athanasius, the bishop, by our letters, and although we have been urged
persistently by the epistles of your excellency in this matter which we publicly
alleged and have not been able to give a reason for our accusation, therefore, we
now confess to your excellency in the presence of all the presbyters, our
brethren, that all that you have heard concerning the aforesaid Athanasius is
utterly false and fictitious, and in every way foreign to his nature. For this
reason, we joyfully enter into communion with him, particularly as your piety in
accordance with your implanted love of goodness has granted forgiveness to us for
our error. Moreover, we declare unto you that if the bishops of the East, or
even Athanasius himself, should at any time malignantly summon us to judgment, we
would not sever ourselves from your judgment and disposition about the case. We
now and ever shall anathematize, as we formerly did in the memorial which we
presented at Milan, the heretic Arius and his followers, who say that there was
a time, in which the Son existed not, and that Christ is from that which had no
existence, and who deny that Christ was God and the Son of God before all
ages. We again protest, in our own handwriting, that we shall ever condemn the
aforesaid Arian heresy, and its originators.
"I, Ursacius, sign this confession with my own signature. In like manner
also Valens."
This was the confession which they sent to Julius. It is also necessary to
append to it their letter to Athanasius: it is as follows: --
CHAP. XXIV. -- LETTER OF CONCILIATION FROM VA-LENS AND URSACIUS TO THE GREAT
ATHANASIUS. RESTORATION OF THE OTHER EASTERN BISHOPS TO THEIR OWN SEES. EJECTION
OF MACEDONIUS AGAIN; AND ACCESSION OF PAUL TO THE SEE.
"THE bishops, Ursacius and Valens, to Athanasius, our brother in the Lord.
(2)
"We take the opportunity of the departure of Museus, our brother and
fellow-presbyter, who is going to your esteemed self, O beloved brother, to send you
amplest greeting from Aquileia through him, and hope that our letter will find
you in good health. You will afford us great encouragement if you will write
us a reply to this letter. Know that we are at peace and in ecclesiastical
communion with you."
Athanasius therefore returned under such circumstances from the West to
Egypt. Paul, Marcellus, Asclepas, and Lucius, whom the edict of the emperor had
returned from exile, received their own sees. Immediately on the return of Paul
to Constantinople Macedonius retired, and held church in private. There was a
great tumult at Ancyra on the deposition of Basil from the church there, and the
reinstallation of Marcellus. The other bishops were reinstated in their
churches without difficulty. (3)